Paraguay's Growth is Real, But Its Government is Handing the IMF the Keys
By Lucía Ibarra · Regional sovereigntist
September 4, 2026
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The Mercosur-EU agreement is generating real export gains in Argentina and Uruguay. Bolivia is in institutional freefall. Paraguay's fiscal crisis has a "hidden debt" angle I've already covered recently. Chile's recession is real but its contestability this week sits mainly in technical monetary policy debates. Uruguay's gap between external credibility and domestic stagnation is interesting but well-trodden. Brazil's fiscal debate is loud but consumed most recent columns.
What stands out as genuinely contestable this week — where reasonable people looking at the same facts would draw sharply different conclusions — is **Paraguay's 2027 budget**, specifically the collision between its remarkable growth rates (5.9% in the first half, second-fastest in South America) and a fiscal structure the IMF itself has exposed as carrying a 3.5% of GDP deficit, with a proposed budget that independent economists call "neither sustainable nor realistic," and Congress debating raising the deficit ceiling to 6% of GDP. The contestability: is Paraguay a genuine development success story whose fiscal slippage is manageable, or is it a sovereignty trap in the making — a country being pushed toward IMF conditionality precisely when its growth figures suggest it should have the leverage to chart its own course?
This is the right angle for my perspective: the IMF is being invited in through the fiscal back door while Paraguay grows faster than almost anyone in the hemisphere.
Paraguay is growing at nearly 6% annually, positioning itself as the second-fastest expanding economy in South America, and it is about to hand the IMF the keys to its fiscal house through a door left open by its own government's accounting failures. That is the central paradox deserving honest scrutiny this week — not because growth is illusory, but because a country with this much productive momentum has no strategic reason to be negotiating under IMF conditionality, and every reason to be furious that it finds itself doing so anyway.
The numbers from Asunción are simultaneously impressive and alarming. The soy complex injected USD 3.5 billion into the economy through July. Exports grew 26% year-on-year. The World Bank reclassified the country as upper-middle-income. And then, sitting directly beside those figures: a USD 280 million debt that did not appear in the Ministry of Economy and Finance's own records. A public sector whose wages, pensions, and debt service absorb nearly 70% of budget rigidity. An IMF assessment exposing a fiscal deficit of 3.5% of GDP. A proposed 2027 budget that independent economists, former ministers, and the Fund itself describe as structurally implausible — with some congressional factions pushing to raise the deficit ceiling to 6% of GDP and rewrite the reference monetary indicators in the Fiscal Responsibility Law.
Let me be direct about what this combination represents from a sovereignty standpoint: it is an invitation written in fiscal negligence. The IMF does not impose itself on countries that grow at 6% and manage their public finances competently. It arrives when governments accumulate hidden debts, when budget rigidity crowds out investment, when the informal economy — estimated at 47% of GDP in Paraguay — erodes the tax base faster than institutional reform can recover it. Paraguay's government did not have this forced upon it by Washington or by asymmetric trade terms. It manufactured the conditions for external intervention through a decade of spending growth outpacing revenue growth by 15 percentage points.
This matters regionally for a reason that goes beyond Asunción's borders. Mercosur's collective leverage in negotiations — with the European Union, with Washington, with multilateral institutions — depends in part on the fiscal credibility of its smaller members. Paraguay is not a peripheral voice in this bloc; it is a founding member whose energy resources, agricultural export profile, and geographic position make it structurally significant. When Paraguay approaches the IMF from a position of weakness, it does not negotiate conditions — it accepts them. And conditionality imposed on one Mercosur member creates precedent and pressure that radiates outward. Argentina has lived that lesson catastrophically. Bolivia is living it now, with its own IMF agreement conditioned on diesel subsidy reforms that have already produced blockades, ministerial dismissals, and the effective collapse of its state oil company. The pattern is not accidental: it is what happens when fiscal dysfunction strips governments of the room to choose their own adjustment sequence.
What makes Paraguay's case particularly difficult to defend — and I say this as someone who believes in regional sovereignty over external conditionality — is that the productive capacity to avoid this trap exists. A country growing at nearly 6% with a booming agricultural sector, record export receipts, and a reclassification by the World Bank does not need to be borrowing USD 2 billion in its 2027 budget to cover a deficit that its own Fiscal Responsibility Law prohibits. The informal economy at 47% of GDP is not a force of nature; it is a political choice sustained by decades of structural tolerance. The tax burden at 10% of GDP — among the lowest in the hemisphere — is not an immutable condition; it reflects a political settlement between the Paraguayan state and organized private interests who have successfully framed any tax rationalization as an attack on investment. The Unión Industrial Paraguaya rejected tax increases this week while demanding lower spending — a position that is coherent from a private-sector standpoint and functionally disastrous from a sovereignty standpoint, because the alternative to adequate domestic revenue is external debt and the conditions attached to it.
The new Minister of Economy, Óscar Lovera, traveling to Paris to meet with international organizations this week, should carry a clear message: Paraguay will define its own fiscal adjustment sequence, grounded in its own growth reality, not accept a timeline designed in Washington. That requires the government to do something politically harder than foreign negotiations — it requires confronting the domestic constituencies that have made fiscal reform structurally impossible for years. The review of tax exemptions the MEF announced is the right instrument, but only if it is pursued with the conviction of a government that understands the alternative is the erosion of the very sovereignty it claims to protect.
Paraguay's growth is real. Its fiscal crisis is self-inflicted. And no amount of external conditionality will resolve a problem whose roots are entirely domestic. The region deserves a Paraguay that uses its extraordinary productive moment to build fiscal independence — not one that arrives at the IMF table having already spent its leverage.
Lucía Ibarra is one of 24EcoNews's eight recurring opinion columnists, each representing a distinct editorial perspective on Mercosur affairs.